Above: Nestor Kirchner jumping into history
(The photo and the foot of the same are not displayed in the original note "Writing Popular")
Today October 27 will be six months after the death of the great patriot of our America, Nestor Carlos Kirchner, and 8 years of polls that catapulted him to the presidency. In a tribute published this article.
By Raul Isman. Teachers.
Writer.
televisivoSeñal News columnist News. Regular contributor delperiódico Socialist "the Ideal "
Editorial Director of the popular.
raulisman@yahoo.com.ar
"The fibula is the fact malditodel bourgeois country." John William Cooke. Históricode militant Peronist left. "Peronism is the fact burguésdel damned country." Response from some leftists peronistaa not the preceding sentence, during the 70s. "Fortuitohecho The Baldwin is the revolutionary bourgeoisie in the damn country." summary statement, origin unknown
La escena puede resultar exótica y casi de ciencia ficción en la mayoría de los países de nuestra América: cientos, miles de jóvenes (estudiantes secundarios y universitarios, trabajadores sindicalizados y simples pobladores de los barrios populares aledaños a la ciudad de Buenos Aires) marchaban en apoyo a la presidente de la nación, Kristina Fernández de Kirchner, respaldando con el cuerpo en las calles su proyecto político, el pasado 1 de marzo de 2011 en ocasión de la apertura del año parlamentario. Se trataba de una porción más que significativa del movimiento social que escenificaba las diferencias sustanciales between the Argentine political process, first, and most of the countries of our America that are alienated with the U.S., on the other. Maybe you can not show off one more fact paradigmatic of the great successes of Nestor Carlos Kirchner than relatábamos lines above and consists of repoliticize (for or against) a large part of society and particularly in the area include large swathes among people with an average age of about a quarter of a century, to which the dominant narrative in the mainstream media described as sunk in alcohol, drugs and pasatismo.Muerto on October 27, 2010, the Patagonian failed to shine or even a decade in the Argentine political firmament. Political leaders in La Plata often include land in the center of public controversy for at least an average of three decades (Hipólito Yrigoyen, Juan Domingo Peron and Raul Ricardo Alfonsin). Although the membership of the "penguin • dates back nearly four decades ago was not known at the big stage even when he ruled the province. Come almost by accident to the presidency on May 25, 2003 showed uncommon virtues (and also some shortcomings) to be discussed in this article in order to build a provisional interpretation of its historical legacy. Let's say an introductory, the important sociologist Julio Godio, that's been the Kirchner government which, specifying a "revolution from above" decisions during 2003-2007, continued by the government of Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, has created the conditions for resolving the great political problem that has yet: to create the social and political organization to represent and organize an enormous socio-political force that finds its concrete political-cultural-Kirchner Peronist. In subsequent lines will be analyzed the contents of that revolution from above:
Leaders pristine and perfect only exist in the imagination of many coats dogmatic or mystical delusions. Political activity is the result, resulting from various conditions, including no less relevant occupy the balance of power. Therefore, every driver knows that there are times when you must retreat or make concessions. The remarkable thing is to maintain a favorable direction to the popular sectors (clear) and minimize any possible setbacks (dark). We begin with the analysis of the first. Certainly not a minor hit in the pertinacity not kowtowing to the real (economic and media) recited during the campaign 2003; to disbelief of many political observers (including this scribe). Then from the first magistracy showed a consequence among those rare pre-election and the reality in these and other countries. The initiative and the result what distinguished him and are trademarks in the government of his wife and successor. One example is the law of Audiovisual Services (media) enacted at the height of the project Kirchner, after the defeat in the legislative government 2009.Su born marked by a double but: 1) came to the presidency after exhaustion double cycle inevitably neoliberal (economic policy of the military dictatorship that began in 1976 and the privatization reforms promoted by his co-partisan Carlos Saul Menem in the disastrous '90.). Given the above, your only chance to build a viable project necessarily going to turn the page from the dictates of the Washington consensus .2) There was a weak president took office just because the 23%. Is that a fact was nothing less than the elections that catapulted him to the Casa Rosada two extreme liberal candidate (Menem and López Murphi) have scraped together nearly half the electorate, which marked the immensity of the battle economic, social and cultural to be free. Such a compact block votes on the right, plain and simple undoubtedly acted as a condition for the new president. And, on top of its main ... Peronism appoggiatura was coming to participate with much joy and excitement that criticism of the looting of national wealth and impoverishment made popular in the disastrous decade of the '90s. Seconded as a second line as a set of social movements and snippets of progressive forces could not sustain, because of their limited political power, the new prospects began opening in the country. Even before taking sent signals to those in power ( real) in the form he would not be a henchman to your service. Since the constant repetition that convictions would not outside the Government House to the rejection he uttered to the editor of the newspaper La Nación conservative, Claudio Escribano, when the journalist appeared itself is an unusual and insolent statement of requirements (ranging from taking the economic program of the great international economic bodies to bury beneath a tombstone of silence all claims against the dictatorial impunity for crimes), it was clear that making the right pressure is not lowered its maximum program. The stranger president who is prepared to take sound gave him a red card and the paper Mitire replied that Argentina had been a government for nothing more than a year. The forced retirement of a group of officers suspected of complicity with the dictatorship and the way that forced changes in the Supreme Court were the first and surprising actions, thus noted that there is a country with justice if impunity is allowed to heinous crimes and the highest court composed of characters seems very similar to those merchants of Nazareth expel the great templo.Comencemos timely to conduct a fund balance over large Kirchner government coordinates ranging from most important to what might take a minor significance, but which nevertheless deserves to be excluded from the analysis. The model Kirchner is due the end of a disastrous cycle started during the dictatorship of 1976, but deepened by the Peronist Menem, consisting mainly of the following areas, namely: a) developed an unimaginable looting and privatization of assets shortly before nacional.b) industrialization plans were promoted with consequent increase in unemployment and pobreza.c) Linked to the above two points are disarmed state capacity to influence economic issues, maximizing-function-contrario represivas.d) The perversity of Menem came even to guarantee impunity by-pardon - for the genocide in the '70s. That measure was not accidental, pointing to the unusual inherent identity between the criminal dictatorship the theft of the '90s. e) Finally, among the most prominent lines in the neoliberal social cycle we can not ignore the settlement of the labor movement (and unions) as a collective actor in the negotiation of collective labor agreements, called the Argentina paritarias.En effect on all the points raised Kirchner government was able to reverse in favor of the popular sectors which until then was a collection of tracks by a landslide. While remaining in the item to a string of outstanding materials (oil and mining, among others), a set of state enterprises could be enhanced in the future, has begun to populate the neoliberal wasteland. Post, some railways, building of a public carrier (which ensures connectivity through the airspace for the entire national territory), an exemplary network of audiovisual media, water and sewer company that provides the vital service in Buenos Aires and surrounding towns and even a venture with advanced technologies that develops next-generation radars and exports nuclear reactors. The balance sheet can be labeled as inadequate, but no doubt it may be favorable to the popular forces of the measures taken, which grow uncontrollably by taking into account the (re) nationalization of private pension insurance (as president and decision Kristina), that broke the backbone of one of central sectors of economic power. Only an unsuspecting or complicit inveterate could ignore the causes of rejection in the right Kirchner, is that major media and politicians to their service can not forgive the government that the workers' money may no longer be used for finance big business and then paid a pittance tiny each person in return for a life of esfuerzo.La tablita exchange (during the dictatorship) and the convertibility law (during the Menem years) were the instruments of monetary policy and exchange rate intentional result of which was checked out to the industry vernacular and, consequently, encourage the consumption of processed goods abroad. This caused an increase in popular poverty and unemployment that resulted in the emergence of movements of unemployed in scope unprecedented in the history of Argentina. And the exponential growth and hopelessness of the indicated variables led to the famous outburst at the end of 2001. Argentina began to live since 2003 a new stage of industrial growth that has taken him to modify the profile of its exports, commodities traditionally composed almost entirely, to compose increasingly by a strong manufacturing volumes and become in areas outside vendor also highly sophisticated (software) or varied designs. This meant a change highly favorable expectations of vast sectors of the population. To put it very simply: the change of time is given why the early twenty-first century, young people mostly just thought of leaving the country. And now the emigration was no longer an issue in the country and, moreover, many who had left have been vuelto.Nada what might have been true if there has been reconstituted the state's ability to intervene in the economy. From the early days of Patagonia, where the bells do not work-until now that public education has been modernized and increasingly complex serves a lot of water has flowed under the bridge. The state current is very deep debt to society. But it is much better and in addition has stubbornly refused to suppress the conflict social.Para D refer to the item on our list is to be noted that no government in the history of Argentina, or any country of our America has been so consistent in persecution (judicial) to the crimes of a dictatorship. The radical government led by Raul Alfonsin (1983-1989), but pushed the trial to the boards, erased the writing side by side with the negative "due obedience" laws and end point. The consequence in the pursuit of justice (justice, justice shall you pursue, says the Bible) is not a lesser merit. But also adds that no government in the current democratic period lifted both human rights organizations, which now enter the House of Government, almost without requesting a hearing. And the significance of the Patagonian beloved president in the history of the mothers of Plaza de Mayo was endorsed by the president of that association, Hebe de Bonafini, through an exciting post-mortem letter to send him to mark the first birthday after his death and there conferred the award that much more has valued the militant killed on October 27, 2010: calls him son. The reindustrialization Argentina started after the long neoliberal night and fog could not but influence to return a colocar en el centro del escenario económico social (algunos dicen empoderar) al movimiento obrero y a los sindicatos. Por cierto que son dos nociones que, si bien se rozan, no constituyen la “misma cosa”. Los sindicatos son la forma más institucionalizada del movimiento obrero, que puede manifestarse por fuera o dentro de las formas institucionalizadas. Pero sea conducidos por la C.G.T. o luchando de modo autónomo en el combate cotidiano o desde las convenciones colectivas de trabajo, la recuperación del poder adquisitivo de los trabajadores y la disminución del empleo en negro o precarizado se deben a la propia lucha de los trabajadores y al cambio de época. No puede desconocerse que la negociación colectiva favorece al mundo work, as the preferred capital challenged individuals and not collectively constituted subjects. And certainly not the same the situation of the subaltern subjects in a period of recession and unemployment which when reconstituted the social fabric. Promote a cycle of economic growth and employment, and defend Rajat, is one of the most significant hits Kirchner tandem that has benefited the people's forces. And another example of changing times: in the hardest years of the crisis in Argentina (1998-2003) employed workers had to bear much progress against its capitalist-driven gains. Currently employees are fighting, among other things, to not be taxed by the income tax given everything that has raised the nominal and real wages.
views and considering the references in the paragraph above is advancing state two aspects of the project k, in our opinion, can not be resolved. These two issues nothing less: A) The registration of kirchnerismo clear emancipatory project in Latin America whose highest expression is the Bolivarian revolution. Result of this guidance is to design an independent foreign policy and aligned with peoples of our America. Besides the unquestionable ethical backbone presents the said election, has a practical side to the extent that it is much more efficient to preserve jobs and secure our country more and better energy sources that if Argentina abide under the direct influence of EEUUB) Néstor Kirchner regained the emotional dimension (characteristic of militant) in politics. In support of our sayings we mention two examples, but could give more. On March 24, 2004 proceeded to hand over human rights organizations the campus of the School of Naval Mechanics (ESMA), a paradigm of the fields concentration in Argentina. The aim was to turn the place into a Museum of Memory. In the event held at the place, who could see Kirchner noted the profound emotion and tear that tightened as he said his speech, something entirely away from political posturing that portrays all supported by a host of advisers. The other example was in 2005, during the Summit of the Americas in which independence governments told a resounding NO to George W. Busch and the FTAA (fuck with domestic production). Rejected the initiative imperialist hugging Hugo Chavez celebrated as a kid who had made a defining goal in a World Cup. Serve the two references cited as examples of a political project, to recover the emotional dimension of politics, policy itself recovered herself as a transformational tool for the masses.
our analysis would not be complete if we do not so indisputable reference to some mistakes committed by the late former president. The conduct of the Project K may well be referred to as "focus" pacifist, because of their elite status that appeals to the popular sectors as beneficiaries of government-driven orientation national, but never as the subject of transformation. The core decision-making has rarely exceeded three or four people and almost no organic links between driving and communicating and the masses, generals and privates. Thus, it is difficult in so high the chances of breaking the demobilization so characteristic of the above posmodernidad.Ligado is the refusal to construct their own organization. It was a task as possible and accessible during the zenith of the "romance" with the company between 2005 and 2008. However it was the path taken by Kirchner and the option of lying in Peronism showed its limits in the two major defeats national government: 1) The setback in the battle against oligarchy not have been possible without the defection of large segments peronistas.2) The same can be said for the legislative elections of 2009. The winner of the national project was not a Peronist space, but rather a piece PJ rights. This is undoubtedly one of the most complex dilemmas to resolve in Argentina: no doubt: without Peronism, the country is ungovernable. Moreover, depending on excess force created by General Perón society can not be transformed as the people's needs. The president in the days running seems to cling to its Peronist identity: "And I am very proud to be here today, to be in this space. Military since a young age in Peronism. I do not like to say Justicialismo, I am and will be lifelong Peronist, I feel that way. But being a Peronist means understanding its true significance is not to be exclusive, that is to know that there may be others who do not have the same identity but also be part of an area that wants a better country, a people happier. That is what made Perón in '45, opening his hands and arms to welcome all men and women who wanted to participate in this national epic true. Néstor and Cristina K have demonstrated an enormous capacity and political initiative (faced " the military occupation of our time, "the media to serve the global power), but there are certain limits. Could prevent the spread of the space after the defeat in the parliamentary elections of 2009 and held progressive course in a quasi-Mafia force. However, the fate of the Argentine people can not depend on more than one or two leaders, angel whatever. Urge build grassroots organization leading the process of transformaciones.En that when the media were shocked us on October 27, 2010 with the sad news of the death of Nestor Kirchner. Everything said in this article could be taken as virtual reality. The sample mass popular pain that followed were the best proof that imagination was not computing, but the real popularity (a definite material strength) forged against the dominant discourse in the mainstream media. If there is a heaven, beyond the world of the dead or as it wishes to call, since there Néstor Kirchner could have corroborated that the cultural and political battle waged by him had not been in vain. The continued the whole people, especially young people, who took in his hands the vindication of the policies initiated by him.
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